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Old July 14, 2012, 09:37 AM
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BDFlag Maulana Abdul Hamid Khan Bhashani

A must knowledge for every Bangladeshi.

Gale Encyclopedia of Biography:
Maulana Abdul Hamid Khan Bhashani





Maulana Abdul Hamid Khan Bhashani (1880-1976) was a Muslim leader who used non-violent, mass civil disobedience techniques to promote nationalism in Assam, Bengal, and Bangladesh in the northeastern part of the Indian subcontinent.

Acatalyst of Muslim nationalism, Maulana Abdul Hamid Khan Bhashani did for the masses of the northeastern part of the Indian subcontinent what Mohandas Karamchand Gandhi accomplished for the teeming down-trodden people of north, central, and south India. Unswerving in his belief in God and human dignity, Bhashani crusaded, at times singlehandedly, against the vested interests in Assam, Bengal, and later Bangladesh in favor of the deprived - landless peasants, workers, and hapless migrants.

Like Gandhi, Bhashani succeeded in institutionalizing political dissent and making opposition politics viable and respected. Also like Gandhi, he never accepted any position in government although he was elected to Assam, Bengal, and East Bengal assemblies and was himself the founder of the most effective political parties in Pakistan and Bangladesh. Ideologically, Bhashani was a Marxist and Islamist, at the same time both admiring the People's Republic of China and regretting that the Chinese lacked faith in God. Enigmatic, uncompromising, and candid, Bhashani was a charismatic leader who could motivate ordinary people to join his movement for social and economic justice.

A Life of Protest

Born in 1880 in the village of Dhangara, within the province of Bengal in British India, Abdul Hamid Khan Bhashani received his early education in a Madrasa, one of the religious schools for Muslim boys. As a boy of 12 he moved to Tangail, about 60 miles from Dhaka, now the capital of Bangladesh. After completing his religious schooling at Tangail and becoming a Muslim religious mentor, or Maulana, Bhashani enrolled in the Islamic Center in the United Provinces, known as the intellectual seat of militant Islam in British India. Before he could complete the course he joined a politico-religious movement advocating militancy for Islam. A decade and a half later Bhashani became one of the most ardent followers of another politico-religious movement of the Islamic World - the Khalifate movement in 1919. Protesting the dissolution in Turkey of the Khalifate (Caliphate) by Kemal Ataturk landed Bhashani in jail for ten months.

Long before he joined the Khalifate movement Bhashani had been a crusader for peasant rights in Tangail against the oppressive landlords. Following a peasant uprising against the King of Santosh in which Bhashani played the leading role, he was expelled by the British from the Mymensing district which included Tangail. Uprooted but undiscouraged, Bhashani continued to organize peasant movements in northern Bengal.

In 1904, at the age of 24, Bhashani journeyed to Assam, the northeastern frontier province of British India, where he was moved by the suffering of the 2.5 million Bengali Muslim peasants, particularly the new settlers among them. He organized peasants against the prevalent usury system which led to pauperization and economic enslavement. His successful organization of a mammoth protest rally of different peasant groups in Sirajganj, known as All Bengal Kissan Sammelon (All Bengal Peasant Conference), led to the abolition of the much hated usury system.

During this period Bhashani tried to organize another peasant rally at Kagmari village in Tangail to mobilize resistance against oppressive practices of the landlords of Mymensing. With the help of British civil and law enforcement officials, the landlords prevented Bhashani from holding the meeting and, at the same time, forced him to leave Mymensing within six hours.

Return to Assam

In the early 1930s Bhashani again went to Assam with the hope of alleviating the suffering of Bengali Muslim peasantry. Unlike the earlier time, Bhashani was now an astute politician and an effective organizer of reform movements. Mobilizing the Muslim population of Assam, Bhashani established the provincial branch of the Muslim League and was elected its president in 1934.

His historic stand against political injustice made him popularly known as the religious leader of Bhashan Char or, in Bengali, Bhashan Charer Maulana. From that time, the title Bhashani, derived from the word Bhashan, stuck to him. For his uncompromising commitment to the cause of Muslim peasantry, Bhashani was arrested eight times during his 15 years of political leadership in Assam.

From 1934, when he established the Assam branch of Mohammad Ali Jinnah's Muslim League Party, to 1937, Bhashani completely immersed himself in the mass movement. He provided a much needed leadership to the Muslim peasantry, particularly the migrants from the neighboring provinces, for their struggle against repressive measures. His movement politics was perceived as a major threat not only by the Hindu landlords in Assam but by Muslim landlords as well.

In the mid 1940s the new congress government in Assam arrested Bhashani, fearing that he might transform the peasant movement into a political movement for the merger of Assam with the would-be Pakistan. Only after the partition of India in 1947, when most of Assam (with the exception of the district of Sylhet) became a part of India, was Bhashani released by the Assam government on condition that he leave India. Immediately he returned to East Bengal, which comprised the eastern flank of Pakistan.

Campaign for Bengali Language

After his return to East Bengal in 1948, the Maulana became one of the vanguards of the students' language movement demanding that Bengali be accorded equal recognition with Urdu, the language of West Pakistan, as one of the two official languages of the new Muslim nation of Pakistan. The same year, Bhashani dissociated himself from the Muslim League Party and formed a counter party, the Awami (nationalist) Muslim League Party, with himself as president and Shamsul Huq as general secretary. In essence, Bhashani founded the first organized opposition party in Pakistan.

Bhashani's opposition party was further strengthened when Hussain Shahid Suhrawardy, the last chief minister of undivided Bengal, and Sheik Mujibur Rahman, a prominent leader of the language movement who was later to become the charismatic leader of Bangladesh, joined the Awami Muslim League in 1949.

Late 1949 also saw the arrest of Bhashani, his tenth, but the first in Pakistan. He had organized a hunger march in Dhaka demonstrating against the food policies of the government which coincided with the visit to East Bengal of Liaquat Ali Khan, the first prime minister of Pakistan. In jail Bhashani, like Gandhi, went on a hunger strike and was released on health grounds the next year. When the language movement peaked in 1952 Bhashani was arrested once again.

Founds Two New Parties

In 1953, immediately after his release from jail, Bhashani organized a United (Jutka) Front, a coalition of opposition parties, along with A.K. Fazlul Huq, H.S. Suhrawardy, and Sheik Mujibur Rahman to contest the election of 1954. In that election the Jutka Front won a landslide victory over the provincial Muslim League Party, winning 290 of 300 Assembly seats. However, within two months the Front ministry, with Fazlul Huq as chief minister, was dismissed by the central government under pressure from the Muslim League. East Bengal was put under the governor's rule and Huq under house arrest.

In order to make his party appealing to the minority Hindu community, most of whom were peasants, Bhashani dropped the word "Muslim" from the Awami Muslim League. However, at the party's annual conference the following year Bhashani decided to start a new party because of serious disagreement with H.S. Suhrawardy, who was then the prime minister of Pakistan. The new party - the National Awami Party - linked not only antiestablishmentarian associates in East Pakistan but also prominent progressive leaders from West Pakistan.

After the abrogation of the constitution in 1958 by Gen. Iskander Mirza and the subsequent military take over by Gen. Ayub Khan, Bhashani was arrested and held in prison for four years and ten months. He was released from detention only after he went on a hunger strike. In 1963 he led a Pakistani goodwill delegation to the People's Republic of China where he had meetings with Mao Zedong (Mao Tse-Tung) and Chou En-Lai.

In 1964 Bhashani challenged the Ayub regime by engineering the nomination for president of Fatima Jinnah, the sister and confidante of M.A. Jinnah, the founder of Pakistan. But the insurgents were beaten by Ayub Khan.

Bhashani's National Awami Party then split into two factions: a pro-Moscow and a pro-Beijing one, with the former headed by Muzaffar Ahmad and the latter by Bhashani. Bhashani now introduced "Gherao," a form of sit-in designed to encircle the official against whom a protest was directed. This strategy created increasing momentum in his movement politics against the Ayub regime, ultimately contributing to the nation-wide mass movement causing the downfall of Ayub Khan.

Struggle for Justice Continued

Bhashani opposed not only Ayub and his successor, Yahya Khan, but also the charismatic leader of independent Bangladesh, Sheik Mujibur Rahman. His unyielding pursuit of public good was demonstrated when he lent his support during the march movement of 1971 to Sheik Mujib as the elected leader of the Bengalis fighting for state rights. He did this in spite of the fact that he still had reservations about Sheik Mujib, whose party won its first landslide victory in 1970.

During most of the nine-months-long Bengali liberation war in 1971, Bhashani lived in India convalescing from a serious illness. He irked Indira Gandhi and her government by reviving his old demand for uniting the peasantry of Assam, Bengal, and East Pakistan in a continued struggle for social and economic justice.

Toward the middle of November 1971, when India's intention to involve itself directly in the Bengali-Pakistani war became apparent, Bhashani advocated that Bengalis be given the chance to win their own war even if it meant prolonging their guerrilla struggle against the Pakistani military. This stand, along with his known pro-Beijing leanings and coupled with his pre-partition advocacy of a united front of peasantry cutting across national boundaries, made him suspect in the eyes of Indian leaders. After his return to the new nation of Bangladesh in March 1972, he led a hunger strike (1974) against Mujib's presidency and a long hunger march the same year.

After the assassination of Mujib in 1975, the Indian leadership's image of the Maulana worsened, particularly when he attracted world attention by organizing a long march of millions of Bengalis in protest against India's 1976 withdrawal of water from the international river, the Ganges, at Farrakka in West Bengal. As always, the Maulana inevitably took recourse (as did Gandhi) to direct action through non-violent civil disobedience.

On November 17, 1976, at the age of 96, Maulana Abdul Hamid Khan Bhashani died in Dhaka. Millions of Bengalis mourned for him and took pride in the legacies he left behind as a selfless, principled, and courageous leader of the Third World. His "Islamic Socialism" may have been puzzling to many, but his tangible contributions to political, social, economic, and religious reforms were beyond any doubt.

Further Reading

Additional information on Bhashani and his activities can be found in Zillur R. Khan, Leadership in the Least Developed Nation: Bangladesh (1983), and "March Movement of Bangladesh: Bengali Struggle for Political Power," Indian Journal of Political Science (September 1972), as well as Sirajul Hossain Khan, "Champion of Exploited," Holiday (November 21, 1976).


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Old July 14, 2012, 09:38 AM
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Old July 14, 2012, 09:50 AM
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Quote:
As I saw Moulana Bhashani: leader of leaders
by Atiqur Rahman Salu

From New Age BD - Link provided below

Moulana Abdul Hamid Khan Bhashani was a legendary name and figure during his time, famous around the world and a great leader for all times. I have so many memories with him that I don’t know where to start. Bhashani worked relentlessly and gave almost his entire life to the oppressed masses, which earned him the title Mazlum Jana Neta, meaning the leader of the oppressed.

I still remember the very first day I saw Bhashani Hujur. I was then about only eight years old. It was in 1957 during the historic Kagmari Conference where he first said ‘Assalamu alaikum’ to the Pakistani rulers, adding ‘Lakum Dinokum Oliadin’, which means - you follow your religion and let me follow mine. My father, late Moulvi Nurur Rahman Khan Eusufzai and Moulana Bhashani had very cordial relations. Bhashani Hujur used to respect my father, a former member of the Bengal Legislative Assembly in British India, as an elderly politician of Tangail. My father decided to attend Moulana’s Kagmari Conference and took me with him. Kagmari is in Sontosh Union of the district of Tangail. Kagmari is about a mile away from our house in Tangail town but during those days, there wasn’t any easy transport. We had to walk some distance and finally reached there by a rickshaw. The place was full with lakhs of people. People gathered from all over the country – some came on foot, some by boat as well as through other means. It was like a huge village fair with shops and food stalls all around. I saw some of Bhashani’s followers cooking khichri and keeping it in a dingi (boat). There were many colourful gates commemorating revered leaders of the sub-continent such as Mahatma Gandhi, Netaji Subash Bose, Moulana Abul Kalam Azad, Deshbandhu Chittaranjan Das, Moulana Showkat Ali, Moulana Muhammad Ali, Shahid Titumir and many other distinguish names. And on the dais I saw Khan Abdul Gaffar Khan, better known as the ‘Frontier Gandhi’ of West Pakistan, a beloved leader of Baluchistan, former education minister of India Humayun Kabir, Ataur Rahman Khan, the then Chief Minister of East Pakistan. If I remember correctly I also saw Hussain Shahid Suhrawardi, the then Prime Minister of Pakistan on the dais as well. It is simply impossible to describe the atmosphere.

I saw Moulana Bhashani sitting in the middle of the dais along with all those national leaders. That was my first glimpse of the great leader. I felt attracted to him like a magnet and subconsciously became his devotee and he, my Hujur and everybody’s Hujur – my leader. Soaked in his affection, in the years to come, I remained imbued in Moulana’s political ideology. I attended some of his public meetings and delivered speeches there, something I still feel proud of. During the Mass Upsurge of 1968-69 against the military dictator Ayub Khan, who was the president of Pakistan at that time, I actively organised various protest activities declared by the Moulana. At that time I was the organising secretary of the East Pakistan Student’s Union (EPSU, Menon Group) and one of the student leaders of the 11 points movement. I still remember those meetings where people roared in with slogans such as ‘Brave Bengali, take up arms and liberate Bangladesh and ‘Shadhin Janaganotantrik Purba Bangla’ etc.

On December 4, 1970, the then National Awami Party (NAP Bhashani) organised a mammoth meeting at the Paltan Maidan. I was there when Bhashani delivered his fiery speech accusing the Pakistani leaders of their neglect after visiting the cyclone-devastated areas. It was one of the best speeches I have ever heard. Many of the people attending could not hold back their tears after hearing Hujur’s vivid description of the destruction and misery of the people. I can still feel the emotions stirred by that speech for those lost ones. I remember I saw poet Shamsur Rahman standing and listening to that speech, and after that mammoth meeting he wrote the historic poem ‘Safed Panjabi’ where he gives a vivid description of Moulana Bhashani.

Actually, the story goes like this. On November 12, 1970 a devastating cyclone hit a vast area of Bangladesh, including Chittagong, Barisal, Patuakhali, Noakhali and the coastal areas. About one and half million people died, millions of houses and crops were washed out to the sea. The tragedy was that even after possessing knowledge of the impending cyclone the Pakistani junta did not inform the people of the then East Pakistan. If they had informed the people early, then millions of people’s lives could have been saved. Later, when news of the cyclone and pictures of the dead bodies were published in newspapers, it created a huge uproar in East Pakistan. At that time, Moulana Bhashani was in hospital in Dhanmondi, Dhaka. Bhashani was so sick that the doctors had almost declared him clinically dead. On November 12, 1970, the same day the cyclone hit the country at night, I went to the hospital to see Moulana. I met Aziz Bhai, (Doctor Aziz, ex Minister) and I asked him about his health and he replied ‘very critical, anything can happen any time’. I stayed there till midnight. On the morning of November 13, 1970, I rushed to the hospital and stepped into his room to discover the Moulana awoken from deep slumber, as if through a miracle. The attending nurse called the doctor. Bhashani looked at the door and asked for the newspaper, but nobody dare to give it to him. But when he asked for it repeatedly and looked at me askance, I ultimately gave him the newspaper I was carrying with me. The paper was full of pictures of dead bodies and included the whole story of how the then East Pakistan was neglected by the Pakistani military junta. After reading and seeing it, Moulana Bhashani was so furious that he shouted ‘I will go there to see how cyclone devastated the areas and what the government did.’ All the doctors attending to him said ‘you can’t go Huzur; your health condition does not permit that’. He did not listen to anybody and right away told somebody to pack up his personal belongings and then just set about to visit the cyclone-affected areas. We all are God’s creation but Moulana Bhashani was an extraordinarily blessed person who looked younger than his age and could travel great lengths even at old age. Everywhere he went he delivered fiery speeches against the military junta and provided hope and inspiration to people. All of his speeches were extraordinary. He visited all the affected areas including Barisal, Patuakhali, Sirajganj, Noakhali, Chattragram and Dhaka.

After his last visit to Pakistan he returned to East Pakistan and arrived at the Kurmitola Airport, Tejgaon, Dhaka. From there he moved to Shantosh, Tangail. I was in the jeep carrying Bhashani from Tejgaon Airport to Tangail directly. Mohammad Ali, one of the NAP leaders of Tangail, was also with me. He noticed me only after we arrived in Tangail, and asked me when I had come. I told him, ‘Huzur, I was in the same jeep, but you were sitting at the front and did not see me at the back.’ He asked me about Abdul Haque, Mohammad Toah, Alauddin Abdul Matin, Deben Shikdar, Abul Bashar, Kazi Zafar Ahmed, Haider Akbar Khan Rono and Rashed Khan Menon. Then he told me, ‘Go and tell them to be in the path of Allah. If Allah is monopolized by the Jamaats then there is no escape from a terrible fate.’

History has proven that Moulana’s words were absolutely true. Jamaat-e-Islami collaborated with the Pakistani Army during our liberation and independence war in 1971. He was very furious with Jamaat-e-Islami because in the year 1969 during his last visit to West Pakistan, pro-Moududi Jamaatis had attacked his meeting at Shahiwal. The people there resisted that attack and Moulana Bhashani address the meeting successfully.

Unfortunately, some of the left politicians did not understand Jamaat’s threat and failed to act on the Moulana’s advice. Instead, they misunderstood him and abandoned him at a time when he prepared for the most opportune moment to turn the history of the country and establish an exploitation-free society, which the Moulana dreamed about all his life.

Moulana Bhashani was a leader of leaders, one who made a leader out of many, and some of them have gone on to power and have nothing for his memory. Rather, some of them have betrayed his cause. But I saw many of them still come to him and I asked ask Moulana about that once: ‘Huzur, why do you allow them to come?’ Bhashani replied with smile, ‘listen, you do your job and let them do their job. Remember one thing, try to do the good thing, help the needy people and listen. If anybody is coming to me on their own to be changed how can I say no?’

He was all in one. He was not only a political leader, he was also a religious and spiritual leader too. I saw with my own eyes him giving ‘Dua and Jhar Fook’ to people suffering for diseases, and at the same time, giving money to them and telling them to go to see doctors to get the right prescriptions and medicines to be cured. I asked him ‘Huzur, do you believe in that?’ He answered with a smile, ‘I believe in Allah, but I don’t tell them to come to me to be cured. But I cannot hurt them, I tell them to pray to Allah and go to the doctors to be cured.’

In 1974 when the whole country was in the grips of poverty and famine, Moulana Bhashani raised his voice against the government to help the people and finally went on a hunger strike at the then National Awami Party Office in Motijheel, Dhaka. He was then 94 years old, asking the government to open the ‘Langor Khana’ (food shelter) and give them food immediately and asked Sheikh Mujib to come forward to save the people. It went on for about a week, his health condition deteriorating everyday, doctors worried about him. The people from all over the country came to see him almost everyday, people were mobilised in front of NAP office all day and night and he gave fiery speeches every time a crowd gathered, which made the place look like Hyde Park of London or Mukto Mancha in Dhaka. Lakhs were on the street shouting ‘Bhashanir Dabi Mante Hobe- Noile Gadi Charte Hobe.’ Ultimately, the then prime minister, Sheikh Mujibur Rahman came to the NAP office to see Moulana Bhashani and said yes to his demands for the people.

I remember the day when Moulana returned to Bangladesh after liberation. It was sometime in late January or early February in 1972 and he came directly to Tangail via Haluaghat and Mymensingh, after being released from house arrest in India. I was fortunate enough to be in Tangail at the time. Although his arrival was not pre-announced, somehow we knew that he was returning, and it was amazing that the whole town was filled with people to receive him. He stood in front of the office of the Awami League, which was just in front of his NAP office. On one side of Moulana was Kader Siddique with a microphone in his hand and on another side was his brother, the then MP from Tangail, Abdul Latif Siddique. It was Moulana’s first appearance in public in independent Bangladesh. At one point in his speech, he addressed Kader Siddique, ‘Kaderi, I heard your men are oppressing ordinary people’. Of course Kader Siddique politely denied it.

I heard of another memorable incident when Sheikh Mujib went to Tangail on the occasion of turning Moulana Muhammad Ali College, established by Bhashani, into a public institution. At the meeting, Moulana was outspoken about the failures of the government. As he was criticising the government, the Awami League minister from Tangail, Abdul Mannan, ex-home and health minister, was feeling embarrassed and wanted to stop Moulana. But Sheikh Mujibur Rahman told Mannan bhai, ‘Let Hujur speak his mind; don’t stop him.’ It seems there was always a special relation between Moulana Bhashani and Sheikh Mujib. On August 15, 1975, the day Sheikh Mujib and his family were killed, I was in Tangail. My elder brother woke me up very early in the morning with the news, which I could not believe. Both of us listened to the radio again and again. I decided to go to Santosh to convey the news to Hujur. When I reached Santosh dawn was just breaking but Hujur was not in his hut, made of bamboo and straw, but in the mosque for his morning prayers. I ran to the mosque and saw him coming out. As soon as he noticed me, he asked me why I was there so early in the morning. He could not believe what I told him, and asked someone to bring a radio. After hearing the radio he went inside the mosque again and came out after about an hour his eyes full of tears. ‘Everything is finished. He did not listen to me. I don’t know who advised him to form BAKSAL, to become President. He was with me for a long twenty years as worker and then as secretary of the party. I never had such a good organiser.’ He kept talking to himself as he rapidly rolled his prayer beads (rosary). All the while tears kept rolling down his beard.

A few months before his final days he quit Bhashani NAP and told his closest followers ‘I told you before, don’t waste your time in NAP Bhashani, but you didn’t listen to me, and now I’m telling you again to do your own Party’. He engaged himself to Rabbubiyat - in religious activities for the good of the people.

Ever-dedicated, selfless and ever fighting, Moulana was the dreamer of Bangladesh’s independence. As a man, he was above all worldly comfort and attraction. He never desired for power or kingdom. But he was the undisputed and much-loved leader of the toiling masses; truly the king without a crown, and thus, his reputation can never be snatched away. Everybody now realises why he boycotted the elections in 1970. It is clear that the boycott helped to achieve our goals and gain our independence early. I myself asked him the question, ‘Huzur, why did you boycott the election?’ He replied ‘This is not the time for any division. This is the time for unity!’ If Bhashani NAP participated in that election they would have probably won a few seats and the whole equation would have been totally different. Moulana Bhashani was indeed a far-sighted man. Many believed he had to power to predict a lot of things. In his commanding voice his ‘Khamosh’ could stop any noise.

Moulana Bhashani’s life-long teaching was to love people. His life-long desire was to establish a society free from all forms of exploitation and oppression where common working people would live peacefully with dignity. There was criticism about him - some people say that Moulana Bhashani could not go to power because he knew his limitations, because he was inconsistent, because he never stuck with one organisation, he had no degree or qualification and capability to run ‘state craft’. All these allegations and criticisms are dead wrong. Why? Because he had a vision and mission, he consistently did his job and tried his best for the oppressed people, founded so many educational institutions here in Bangladesh and in Assam, India, including Moulana Mohammad Ali College at Kagmari and Islamic University at Santosh, Tangail and Hazi Mohsin College at Mohipur, Panchbibi, Bogra. He never ran after for any loaf or bread like some other leaders. He is a man who stuck to one principal and raised his voice for the people even when other leaders deviated from the path. He struggled against British rule, he fought for the peasants at Bhashan Char, Dhubri in Assam, India and then here in East Bengal, now Bangladesh against the Zamindars and their ‘lathials’. More importantly, it was his desire and political decision not to go to power and instead raise his voice against all kinds of injustices and oppression.

If we go through the track records of the leaders we know, then the very name of Moulana Bhashani will be on the top of the line, paying all due respect to other leaders. His name will remain in the heart of the people of Bangladesh forever, and denying his contribution would be like denying historical truths. Moulana Bhashani was one of the few leaders who could unite the whole nation against oppression for the betterment of the country.

Moulana Bhashani has passed away but he will always be remembered for what he did for the people and what he did to establish democracy in the country. He passed away on November 17, 1976 and I was fortunate enough to be there when he was buried at Santosh, Tangail.
_________________________
Atiqur Rahman Salu, a long-time associate of Moulana Bhashani, currently lives in the United States.


http://newagebd.com/newspaper1/archi...1-16&nid=40196
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Old July 14, 2012, 01:57 PM
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Great thread BK bhai!
__________________________________________________ ______

Bhasani, (Maulana) Abdul Hamid Khan (1880-1976) religious personality and politician. Popularly known as Maulana Bhasani, Abdul Hamid Khan was self-educated, village-based, a fire-brand, and skeptical about colonial institutions. Though immensely influential throughout his political career and instrumental in winning many general and local government elections since 1946, he consistently stayed away from holding actual power. His leadership was rooted in his relentless and incessant struggle for safeguarding the rights and interests of the peasantry and the labouring classes.

Bhasani was born in 1880 at village Dhanpara of Sirajganj district. His father was Haji Sharafat Ali Khan. Apart from a few years of education at the local school and madrasa, he did not receive much formal education. He began his career as a primary school teacher at Kagmari in Tangail and then worked in a madrasa at village Kala (Haluaghat) in Mymensingh district.


Maulana Abdul Hamid Khan Bhasani

In 1919, Bhasani joined the non-cooperation movement and khilafat movement to mark the launching of his long and colourful political career. He went to Santosh in Tangail to take up the leadership of the oppressed peasants during the Great depression period. From Tangail he moved to Ghagmara in assam in the late 1930s to defend the interests of Bangali settlers there. He made his debut as a leader at Bhasan Char on the brahmaputra where he constructed an embankment with the co-operation of the Bangali settlers, thereby saving the peasants from the scourge of annual inundation. Relieved of the recurring floods the local people fondly started to call him Bhasani Saheb, an epithet by which the Maulana has been known from then on.

The Assam government made a law restricting Bangali settlement beyond a certain geographical line, an arbitrary settlement which severely affected the interests of the Bangali colonisers. Protected by this restrictive law the locals had launched a movement to oust the Bangali settlers across the so-called line. In 1937 Bhasani joined the muslim league and became president of Assam unit of the party. On the 'line' issue, hostile relations developed between the Maulana and the Assam Chief Minister, Sir Muhammad Sa'dullah. At partition, Maulana Bhasani was in Goalpara district (Assam) organising the farmers against the line system. He was arrested by the government of Assam, and released towards the end of 1947 on condition that he would leave Assam for good.

Early in 1948 Maulana Bhasani came to East Bengal only to find himself brushed aside from the provincial leadership set-up. Disheartened, Bhasani contested and won a seat in the provincial assembly from south Tangail in a by-election defeating Khurram Khan Panni, the Muslim League candidate and zamindar of Karatia. But the provincial governor nullified the results on grounds of foul play in the elections, and disqualified all the candidates from taking part in any election until 1950. Strangely enough, the ban on Panni was lifted in 1949 even though it remained in force on Bhasani.

In 1949 he went to Assam again, and was arrested and sent to Dhubri prison. On his release he came back to Dhaka. At about this time, the East Pakistan Muslim League was passing through a leadership crisis. The discontented elements of the Muslim League called a workers' convention in Dhaka on June 23 and 24 of 1949. Nearly 300 delegates from different parts of the province attended the convention. On June 24 a new political party, the East Pakistan Awami Muslim League, was launched with Maulana Bhasani as president and Shamsul Huq of Tangail as general secretary.

On the day of its birth, the party held its first public meeting at Armanitola in Dhaka under the chairmanship of Bhasani. After its second meeting in the same venue on October 11, he and many other leaders of the new party were arrested while heading a procession of hunger strikers moving towards the government secretariat to protest against the famine conditions prevailing in the province. When his life was at risk due to his protracted hunger-strike, Bhasani was released from jail in 1950.

On 21 February 1952 several students taking part in the language movement were killed in a police firing in Dhaka. Bhasani strongly condemned the brutality of the government. He was arrested on February 23 from his village home and sent behind the bar. In the politics of East Bengal in the early 1950s Bhasani emerged as the most vocal and respected politician of the time. As president of the Awami Muslim League, Bhasani played the crucial role in forging a unity among five opposition political parties by forming an alliance called the united front. Other leaders of the front were ak fazlul huq, huseyn shaheed suhrawardy, sheikh mujibur rahman, haji mohammad danesh. In the elections held in March 1954 the United Front won 223 seats as against the Muslim League's 7 seats.

There is reason to believe that frequent contact during prison life with the communists made the Maulana more conscious about socialist ideology with which his personal political outlook and lifestyle were quite in accord. He became president of the Adamjee Jute Mills Mazdoor Union and the East Pakistan Railway Employees League. The Maulana was made to preside over two massive workers's rallies organised by the communists on May Day in 1954 in Dhaka and Narayanganj. The same year he was made president of the East Pakistan Peasants' Association. Soon after, he was made president of the East Pakistan chapter of the communist-dominated International Peace Committee. In that capacity, he went to Stockholm to attend the World Peace Conference in 1954. He visited several countries of Europe, gaining firsthand knowledge of the socialist movements of the world.

At home, the United Front came close to collapsing mainly because of conflicts between the Awami Muslim League and the krishak sramik party over the question of power sharing. The Maulana tried his best to overcome the problems of practical politics. But he was particularly disappointed at the turn of events under which H S Suhrawardy formed the Awami coalition government at the centre with himself as prime minister and with ataur rahman khan as chief minister in East Bengal. Meanwhile, serious differences of opinion arose between the Maulana and Suhrawardy on issues concerning the basic principles of the Pakistan constitution then being finalized for promulgation. The Maulana opposed the constitution's provision for separate electorate for the minorities which Suhrawardy supported. He also opposed Suhrawardy's pro-American foreign policy and favoured closer relations with China.

In 1957 the Maulana called a conference of the party at Kagmari, and used the occasion to launch a bitter attack on Suhrawardy's foreign policy, thereby signaling an imminent split in the organisation. Things came to a point of no return when Maulana Bhasani called a conference in Dhaka of leftists from all over Pakistan and formed a new party, called the National Awami Party (NAP), with himself as president and Mahmudul Huq Osmani from West Pakistan as secretary general. From then onwards the Maulana followed left-oriented politics openly.

Bhasani was interned once again when Pakistan's army chief General mohammad ayub khan seized power in 1958. After his release from confinement in 1963, the Maulana went on a visit to China and also to Havana in 1964 to attend the World Peace Conference. Bhasani bitterly opposed Ayub Khan's proposal for creating a selective electorate of 'basic democrats' and fought for holding all elections on the basis of universal adult franchise. In 1967 the socialist world split into pro-Soviet and pro-China blocs. The East Pakistan NAP also split with the Maulana leading the pro-China fraction.

He branded the Ayub government as a lackey of imperialist forces and launched a movement to dislodge him from power. In the face of mounting opposition movement, Ayub Khan resigned as President of Pakistan, allowing army chief General aga mohammad yahya khan to step in. To tide over the deepening political crisis, Yahya Khan arranged for holding parliamentary elections on 7 December 1970. The Maulana boycotted the elections and concentrated on providing relief to the victims of the devastating cyclone that struck the coastal zone of Bangladesh in November. The apathy of the central government towards the cyclone victims made the Maulana call openly for the separation of East Pakistan.

With the beginning of war of liberation in 1971 Maulana Bhasani took refuge in India, but he had to spend the entire period of the liberation war in confinement in Delhi. One of his first demands after return to Dhaka (22 January 1972) was to withdraw Indian troops from the soil of Bangladesh. On February 25 he started publishing a weekly Haq katha and it soon gained wide circulation. The paper was soon banned. After the parliamentary elections in 1973, the Maulana started a hunger strike to protest against the food crisis, rise of price of essential commodities, and deteriorating law and order situation.

In 1974 Bhasani founded Hukumat-e-Rabbania order and declared a zihad or holy war against the awami league government and Indo-Soviet overlordship. In April 1974 a 6-party united front was formed under the Maulana's leadership. It served an ultimatum on the government to annul the Indo-Bangladesh border agreement, and stop all repressive actions against the opposition. On June 30 the Maulana was arrested and interned at Santosh in Tangail. He considered the Farakka agreement detrimental to the interest of Bangladesh. On 16 May 1976 he led a long march from Rajshahi towards India's farakka barrage to protest against plans to deprive Bangladesh of its rightful share of the ganges waters. On 2 October 1976 he formed a new organisation, Khodai Khidmatgar, and continued to work for his Islamic University at Santosh. He also set up a technical education college, a school for girls and a children's centre at Santosh, Nazrul Islam College at Panchbibi and Maulana Mohammad Ali College at Kagmari. He had earlier set up 30 educational institutions in Assam. He died on 17 November 1976 and was buried at Santosh. [Enamul Haq]

Source
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Old July 14, 2012, 02:49 PM
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You may be interested in reading the following article as well:

P Custers, "Maulana Bhashani and the transition to secular politics in East Bengal" (2010) Indian Economic & Social History Review (47: 231)
Attached Files
File Type: pdf maulana bashani.pdf (232.0 KB, 6 views)
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Old July 14, 2012, 04:02 PM
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This great leader has always been ignored by the nation. Thanks for opening the thread.
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Old July 14, 2012, 04:08 PM
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Thank you Barrister Navo! Excellent additions....Bhashani and Secular politics and Bhashani and socialism are the high-sparks...

Thank you Nasimul bhai!

Also bhais and apus, I didn't check the second video thoroughly before posting, I started watching it, and while watching it I added that to my post and for some reason it stopped playing somewhere in the middle...Later on I watched the full video and there are unnecessary uncivilized comments made by the film-video maker, it was rather crude and I think ruined a lot of the emotions the video was building up in me, brought me to a mid-journey turmoil. Yes, there was a lot of political rift between the great Maulana Bhashani and Bongobondhu Sheikh Mujib, but it was always civil, and Bongobondhu had the greatest of respect for the Maulana, the first short video clearly shows that....we see Bongobondhu took the garlend (spell..Mala) out of his ownself and put it on Bhashani...then Bongobondhu salaamed Bhashani by touching his feet, a traditional Bangali man showing respect to his elder and Mentor/Guru, that was absolutely beautiful...then Bongobondhu is seen letting Bhashani sit in the grander throne-like chair, while he pulls over a smaller/ordinery chair next to him close and sat.
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Old July 14, 2012, 09:16 PM
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Good stuff, will read it later. But I disagree with the notion of him being underrated or overlooked. During the BNP regime, they would look for anything and everything to diminish Mujib's importance. So Bhasani got great coverage. Of course, now with Awami League in power, it's all about Mujib, and so there is a lull in Bhasani's legacy. But overall, anyone knowledgeable of Bd history gives Bhasani his due props.
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Old July 15, 2012, 03:30 AM
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Excellent read BK & Navo, betrayer and sinner are those who put a bad name to these great people in our history. Bhashani, H S Shuhrawardi, A K Fazlul Haq, Mujib and many more in those days were simply honest and great. Even I tend to include Zia in this list for his significant role in our liberation war. They may had made wrong decision at times but their honesty, dignity towards people/nation is beyond question.
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Old July 15, 2012, 05:27 AM
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A great leader - a true politician. Pity that we almost forgot him.

Wonderful thread Javed - thanks for the memory and reminder.
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Old July 15, 2012, 05:50 AM
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One of my favourite inspirational leaders apart from Nelson Mandela, Sher-e-Bangla A.k. Fazlul Haq and Martin Luther King.

Have read about him first in your school textbook "Amar Boi" in 2nd grade. Salute to what he has done. Every Bangladeshi should know about him.
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Old July 15, 2012, 08:06 AM
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Here is the doc from the U.S. State Department's Telegram report on the Maulana as a Communist Revoultionary and the gauging (spell) of his ability as a communist threat in the region and Bangaldesh to topple an electoral system with communism. Please mind you, the US. was the Nixon government, a Republican administration known to be the most racist, ignorant, anti-education, disilusioned by nothing but GREED and shamelessly too, extreme phobic of the Soviets and the Chinese "Communistis" invasion and take over of the world...Sidney Sober, the U.S. Ambassador in Pakistan went with two other State Dept guys and obviously the great Maulana had a Photograph of Chou En-lai behind him, hahhaha I am surprized that he didn't get up and slap the Nixon guys!! Please do not pay attention what Sober wrote to Washington about the the great Bhashani, if he was not really who he is to us, those guys and the U.S. the Charge d'Affaires and two other senior guys wouldn't go to a remote part of rural tangail to meet him, Bhashani.

I see the paper says University Press, but I do not know what University...I am not very sure about this source, so please take it with a grain of salt?? ...but I think it could be authentic....

Quote:
AIRGRAM


LIMITED OFFICIAL USE A-165

TO : DEPARTMENT OF STATE

INFO : CALCUTTA, DACCA, KARACHI, LAHORE, PESHAWAR FROM : AMEMBASSY RAWALPINDII DATE : JUNE 4, 1970

SUB : A HAPPENING WITH BHASHANI


On the afternoon of May 29, the Charge d'Affaires ad interim, the Consul General in Dacca (Mr Blood), and the Deputy Principal Officer in Dacca (Mr Killgore) called on the semi-legendary revolutionary, Maulana BHASHANI, at his home in the village of Santosh, on the outskirts of Tangail in Tangail District. The ensuing meeting, which lasted two hours, was not quite a monologue and could not qualify as a conversation. It can perhaps best be described as a happening, with the visitors carrying away a kaleidoscope of impressions which in time have fallen into a fairly definite pattern.

Picture the scene. A simple house of wood and corrugated iron sheets standing on a concrete plinth and opening on a dusty courtyard flanked by bamboo or kutcha houses. Maulana received us barefoot, wearing a not too clean undershirt and lungi. He sat on the verandah while chairs were placed for us in front of the verandah steps. Behind him, over his simple charpoy bed, we could spy a photo of Chou En-lai. Present at the happening were the Dacca correspondent of Dawn, a NAP-L functionary, a rather callow youth who was subsequently identified as a nephew of Ex-Governor Monem Khan, and Dacca industrialist "Sadr" Ispahani, who had kindly set up the meeting and who acted as interpreter. In his barefoot and with his Sea Island cotton shirt open to the navel, "Sadri" tried unsuccessfully to emulate a "son of the soil." More mobile observers were several bare-bottomed infants, some older children, several servants, the Consul General's driver whom Maulana seated on the verandah with him, various and sundry roosters and chickens, and flies too numerous to mention.

Throughout the happening we were plied with refreshments: first, a plate of local sweets; then a tray of mangoes, pineapples, bananas and lichees, which was followed by glasses of coconut juice. Finally, we were served a darkly villainous brew which was diagnosed by "Sadri" as tea, and which he said owed its grey-brown colour to the iron oxide in the Maulana's tubewell.

Bhashani is a great man with the cliche. He interlaced his Urdu with English expressions such as "feudal lords," "oppressive landlord," "corrupt officials," "godless

communism," "classless society," "reactionary capitalists," and "American ruling class," which appeared to stand forth from his lips almost as though they were carrying quotation marks.

Bhashani volunteered to his incredulous visitors that he was 88 years old. Despite a recent advertised back injury, the Maulana sat upright in his chair throughout and appeared to suffer less from the heat than we did. His physical and mental alertness suggest a man no older than has early 70's. In fact, "Sadri" confided to us later that he thought that Bhashani was no older than 73. The semi-monologue was not substantially very significant. Enclosure No. 1, a story by Mahbubul Alam, the Dawn correspondent who was present, conveys an accurate account of the trend of the conversation; however, among other things it does not mention the firm denial conveyed by the Charge to Bhashani of the authenticity of the "CIA document" (on an alleged plan for the secession of East Pakistan) mentioned frequently by the Maulana in recent months. Enclosure No. 2, a translation of a poorly written story which appeared in the NAP-L paper Paigam, is a much less accurate account and obviously was slanted with a view to projecting the most favorable image of the Maulana and the least favorable image of the United States.

Just before departing, the Charge asked if Bhashani would be willing to pose for a picture. Maulana willingly obliged, after hurriedly decking himself in a long white robe and skull cap, and grabbing a little granddaughter to pose on his knee.


COMMENT: One cannot but be drawn to Bhashani. He can utter the most outrageous statements with a twinkle in his eye and brush aside rebuttals by immediately passing on to an equally outrageous statement. We had the distinct impression that he is not particularly concerned about facts but prefers to live the legend he has created for himself, that of a man genuinely interested in the welfare of the downtrodden masses of East Pakistan. He is no revolutionary in the traditional sense of one who is thirsty for executive power and determined by hook or crook to achieve it. Rather, he could be described as the "establishment's revolutionary" because he poses no significant threat to the Government and vested interests. He does not want power himself; he is not a good organizer; and he offers no real alternative to the status quo. By inveighing against corruption and smuggling and "anti-social elements," he has achieved some popularity with the poor but little of a base for threatening the established order. In short, he struck us as a figure with considerable nuisance value but probably not posing any serious threat to the government or to the anticipated electoral process. There is, of course, the danger that the leftist following which disjointedly pretends to carry his banner may in time become something of a Frankenstein, but we doubt that this would happen with Maulana's blessing or encouragement. - SOBER



BHASHANI ASKS U.S. TO HELP DISTRESSED IN SPIRIT OF BROTHERHOOD
3 AMERICAN DIPLOMATS MEET HIM IN SANTOSH



DACCA, May 30: The National Awami Party leader, Maulana Abdul Hamid Khan Bhashani yesterday asked the US Government to come to the help of the distressed people all over the world in a spirit of universal brotherhood. The Maulana was talking to the United States Charge d'Affaires ad interim in Pakistan, Mr Sidney Sober, who had called on him at his Santosh residence.

The U.S. Charge d'Affaires along with the American Consul-General in Dacca and another senior American diplomat, drove to Santosh, Tangali, yesterday afternoon to call on the octogenarian leader. They remained with him for about two hours.

Maulana Bhashani told the US diplomat that he had nothing against the people of America who had love and warm feelings for the United States. He said the United States, as an advanced country, should assist countries like Pakistan with technical know how, agricultural implements and the like, so as to help local people stand on their own feet. He felt that loans with high interest rates did not do any good to the recipient country in the ultimate analysis. Therefore, according to him, the accent should be more on dissemination of technical knowledge.


No Prophet of Violence

The NAP leader regretted that a US magazine had described him as the "Prophet of violence". He said he was a believer in God and was neither a prophet nor did he believe in violence. He said his movement, as was well-known, was directed against the oppressors and the exploiters.


He advised the Americans to side with the oppressed and the exploited in their dealings with the peoples of the world. But he regretted that the US Government - the ruling class as he described it was spending money in Viet-Nam war, which had now been extended to Cambodia. He said involvement in such ventures would not help the United States nor those they were supporting.


The US Charge d'Affaires told the Maulana that his Government had great respect for the sovereignty of this country and was keen to assist Pakistan. He mentioned in this connection the despatch of wheat from USA to Pakistan. He said his country had undertaken foreign assistance programme without any motive but compelled by an urge to come to the assistance of those who needed their help.

Dainik Paigam

June 2, 1970


The Struggle of the Working People Against American Imperialism Will Continue - Maulana Bhashani

Santosh (Tangail), June 1(sent by special correspondent). Sidney Sober, Acting American Ambassador in Pakistan, met Maulana Abdul Hamid Khan Bhashani at Santosh in Tangail District on May 29.

Maulana Bhashani bitterly criticized American war policy in the South East Asia and said that history would never forgive the US for the unpardonable crimes committed by the US against humanity in Vietnam, Cambodia and the Middle East.

The Acting Ambassador arrived at the residence of the Maulana at Santosh from Islamabad upon hearing the news of physical illness of the Maulana.

Sidney Sober told the Maulana, `We have come on hearing (about your illness).'

Criticizing the American Policy followed in Pakistan, Maulana Bhashani said that it was causing ruination of the majority people of the country or in other words, the oppressed people, in connivance with the exploiters of Pakistan. The Maulana said that document of the CIA had unveiled the nature of American friendship "and despite the countrywide furor over this you have not had the courage to issue a denial."

In reply Sidney sober said that they wanted to stay in this country peacefully and in a gentlemanly manner. "So we did not want to cause trouble by issuing a protest."


Business, Not Friendship

When Sidney Sober informed the Maulana that the US has given ten lakh tons of wheat to Pakistan, the Maulana said that the working capacity of the poor farmers was decreasing day by day by eating this inferior and rotten wheat. The Maulana further said that the US had not supplied this wheat without any gain. There was no indication of friendship in giving American loan with much higher interest rate in comparison with the socialist countries. The Maulana opined that this was an expression of a purely commercial mentality.

Not Pest Destruction but Pest production

Maulana Bhashani told the American envoy that pests were increasing instead of being destroyed as a result of application of pesticides supplied by the US.

Maulana Bhashani said that the exploited, oppressed and deprived masses of the US are our friends. But the working people of the world would continue to struggle unitedly so long as the American ruling and exploiting circle would not give up their imperialist policy.

Incidentally, it may be mentioned that Bhashani has now fully recovered and will tour different districts of the province during the first three weeks of the current month.


Source: The American Papers- Secret and Confidential India.Pakistan.Bangladesh Documents 1965-1973, The University Press Limited, p.368-371
http://www.profile-of-bengal.com/p-b...ng_bhasani.htm
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Old July 15, 2012, 09:23 AM
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BK bhai, the only University Press Limited I know is in Bangladesh, run by DU. I think that must be the one.
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Old July 15, 2012, 09:43 AM
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Nice read. Thanks for sharing BK bhai and ukil bhai.
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Old July 15, 2012, 10:42 PM
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thanks for sharing such info. If it was misti premer shurshuri golpo, this thread would have been 5 pages long by now.
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Old July 16, 2012, 10:34 PM
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Interesting that under current BAL supporter ideation, he would probably be considered an extremist Khilafaat-ist, at the least, and an actual terrorist at the worst. Its interesting how politics shifts and morphs in the subcontinent (Jinnah starting out as a Congress man).
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Old July 16, 2012, 11:34 PM
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Remember Bhashani was founder president of AL.
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Old July 17, 2012, 12:28 AM
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Quote:
Originally Posted by al Furqaan
Interesting that under current BAL supporter ideation, he would probably be considered an extremist Khilafaat-ist, at the least, and an actual terrorist at the worst. Its interesting how politics shifts and morphs in the subcontinent (Jinnah starting out as a Congress man).
Bro, you know I love you and all that. You're one of my favorite people here and I'm really looking forward to meeting you. So PLEASE don't take this the wrong way

A little less handed down, misguided assumption and a little more research is always good, ESPECIALLY when it comes to the history of Bangladesh. Wikipedia is always a good place to start. The Khilafat Movement of the 1920s was a short lived, Pan Islamic protest movement seeking to preserve the Ottoman Empire after WWI. In South Asia, even Gandhi was an active supporter.

READ MORE.

As you can see, that Khilafat Movement had nothing to do with the current Islamist Khilafat Movement, I call it Islam's own Zionism, seeking to establish a totalitarian (euphemistically called "consensus") global state imposing a particular brand of Sharia on its citizens.

Interesting that GOD Himself tells Muslims that there cannot be any political imposition of religious law because "there is NO COMPULSION in religion (2:256)". Maybe that's why the Holy Prophet (PBUH) himself established a non-theocratic state, even secular according to guys like Thomas Jefferson, in Medina through the Medina Charter. Maybe that's why Islam avoided theocracies and maintained a clear separation of religion and state for 14 centuries before the advent of Wahabi KSA, Pakistan, Islamic Republic of Iran and Talibani Afghanistan. The fact that GOD also prohibits partners and proxies to do His bidding (3:56) may also be a reason. Shirk is evil, especially under the guise of external piety, righteous indignation and arrogant conflation of mutually exclusive things. Then again, the disturbingly deviant and the irretrievably dumb simply don't care about what GOD has to say.

BTW, the late Maolana was not a political Islamist in any way, shape or form. Even the most shallow research would reveal that. In fact he was the one who dropped the word "Muslim" when "Awami Muslim League" became "Awami League", no doubt an enemy party to thinly veiled Bangalistanis everywhere because of its unrivaled leadership throughout our, BANGLADESH'S struggle for freedom.

Anyway, I come from a family of Maolana admirers, all of my uncles and aunts did Chhatro Union during the 50s and the 60s. My father did too before an encounter with Tajuddin made him switch to Chhatro League before going to the PMA in Kakul. A polemicist and agitator par excellence, the Maolana lost of lot of his credibility and support when he decided to initially support BAKSAL in principle, the first time the Constitution was usurped in Bangladesh, before becoming critical of it when BAKSAL went after primarily pro-Chinese, left-leaning dissidents. He reportedly cried when he first heard the news, but then actually congratulated Mushtaq after the murder of Sheikh Shaheb and his family amongst others.

While I acknowledge his political contribution to my country and have no issues with the idea that even great people can be flawed on occasion, I am not a fan of the Red Maolana at all for his support of totalitarian Marxist regimes worldwide, and turning an utterly blind eye to the grotesque human rights violations there while incessantly spouting "anti-imperialist" vitriol. Ignorance is no excuse when it comes to unmitigated hypocrisy and double standards because of the adherence to a particular ideology.
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Old July 17, 2012, 04:08 AM
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Quote:
Originally Posted by al Furqaan
Interesting that under current BAL supporter ideation, he would probably be considered an extremist Khilafaat-ist, at the least, and an actual terrorist at the worst. Its interesting how politics shifts and morphs in the subcontinent (Jinnah starting out as a Congress man).
Bhashani was actually one of the people responsible for a transition to secular politics in Bengal and as the above articles indicate, Sheikh Mujib held the Maulana in great esteem.
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Old July 17, 2012, 07:25 AM
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Thanks for this thread. We just don't have leaders like him anymore who place idealogy and the ultimate betterment of the people at the forefront rather than petty partisanship.
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Old July 17, 2012, 11:05 PM
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Quote:
Originally Posted by Zunaid
Remember Bhashani was founder president of AL.
Exactly what I was getting at.
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Old July 17, 2012, 11:26 PM
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al Furqaan al Furqaan is offline
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Quote:
Originally Posted by Sohel NR
Bro, you know I love you and all that. You're one of my favorite people here and I'm really looking forward to meeting you. So don't PLEASE take this the wrong way

A little less handed down, misguided assumption and a little more research is always good, ESPECIALLY when it comes to the history of Bangladesh. Wikipedia is always a good place to start. The Khilafat Movement of the 1920s was a short lived, Pan Islamic protest movement seeking to preserve the Ottoman Empire after WWI. In South Asia, even Gandhi was an active supporter.

READ MORE.

As you can see, that Khilafat Movement had nothing to do with the current Islamist Khilafat Movement, I call it Islam's own Zionism, seeking to establish a totalitarian (euphemistically called "consensus") global state imposing a particular brand of Sharia on its citizens.

Interesting that GOD Himself tells Muslims that there cannot be any political imposition of religious law because "there is NO COMPULSION in religion (2:256)". Maybe that's why the Holy Prophet (PBUH) himself established a non-theocratic state, even secular according to guys like Thomas Jefferson, in Medina through the Medina Charter. Maybe that's why Islam avoided theocracies and maintained a clear separation of religion and state for 14 centuries before the advent of Wahabi KSA, Pakistan, Islamic Republic of Iran and Talibani Afghanistan. The fact that GOD also prohibits partners and proxies to do His bidding (3:56) may also be a reason. Shirk is evil, especially under the guise of external piety, righteous indignation and arrogant conflation of mutually exclusive things. Then again, the disturbingly deviant and the irretrievably dumb simply don't care about what GOD has to say.

BTW, the late Maolana was not a political Islamist in any way, shape or form. Even the most shallow research would reveal that. In fact he was the one who dropped the word "Muslim" when "Awami Muslim League" became "Awami League", no doubt an enemy party to thinly veiled Bangalistanis everywhere because of its unrivaled leadership throughout our, BANGLADESH'S struggle for freedom.

Anyway, I come from a family of Maolana admirers, all of my uncles and aunts did Chhatro Union during the 50s and the 60s. My father did too before an encounter with Tajuddin made him switch to Chhatro League before going to the PMA in Kakul. A polemicist and agitator par excellence, the Maolana lost of lot of his credibility and support when he decided to initially support BAKSAL in principle, the first time the Constitution was usurped in Bangladesh, before becoming critical of it when BAKSAL went after primarily pro-Chinese, left-leaning dissidents. He reportedly cried when he first heard the news, but then actually congratulated Mushtaq after the murder of Sheikh Shaheb and his family amongst others.

While I acknowledge his political contribution to my country and have no issues with the idea that even great people can be flawed on occasion, I am not a fan of the Red Maolana at all for his support of totalitarian Marxist regimes worldwide, and turning an utterly blind eye to the grotesque human rights violations there while incessantly spouting "anti-imperialist" vitriol. Ignorance is no excuse when it comes to unmitigated hypocrisy and double standards because of the adherence to a particular ideology.
Thats interesting to know. But one thing I'd like to ask you, personally, is would you not consider the Prophet's (saw) state as "theocratic" although it, for example, banned the production, trade, and consumption of alcohol? IMO, its not theocracy which is problematic but rather the type of theocracy (one's you've mentioned) and its tendency to divert to extremism. The easy example of this is, that its theocracies like KSA, Sudan, Iran, Afghanistan, N Nigeria that have incorrectly applied inauthentic hadiths as the sanction for stoning to death of adulterers. However, suppose Bangladesh imposed a punishment of 100 lashes which is the Prophet's proscribed penalty as per Surah Noor. It was Christ in the NT who [allegedly] said "render unto Caeser that which is Ceasar's and unto God what is God's" and not the Quran.

I've come to the understanding that God's purpose of Humanity as per the Quran - to worship God Alone - is to overcome the Challenge. This challenge is overcoming the seemingly inherent tendency of religion - in this case Islam, but applicable to all ideologies really - to collapse into extremism. There are many religious Muslims, outwardly the largest percentage of any religion. But do we estimate that even half of them will attain Jannah? How many have some aspect of extremism that is polluting their soul? How many muslims, beginning with ourselves can we say have both an Islamic and non-extremist view. Many people are non-extremist, but they're not Muslim to begin with so it doesn't avail them.
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Old July 18, 2012, 12:18 AM
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Rifat Rifat is online now
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B_K Bhai thanks for the thread I have heard great things about this man from my mom and the little Bangla Education i have back in Bangladesh elementary school
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Old July 18, 2012, 12:41 AM
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Quote:
Originally Posted by al Furqaan
Thats interesting to know. But one thing I'd like to ask you, personally, is would you not consider the Prophet's (saw) state as "theocratic" although it, for example, banned the production, trade, and consumption of alcohol? IMO, its not theocracy which is problematic but rather the type of theocracy (one's you've mentioned) and its tendency to divert to extremism. The easy example of this is, that its theocracies like KSA, Sudan, Iran, Afghanistan, N Nigeria that have incorrectly applied inauthentic hadiths as the sanction for stoning to death of adulterers. However, suppose Bangladesh imposed a punishment of 100 lashes which is the Prophet's proscribed penalty as per Surah Noor. It was Christ in the NT who [allegedly] said "render unto Caeser that which is Ceasar's and unto God what is God's" and not the Quran.

I've come to the understanding that God's purpose of Humanity as per the Quran - to worship God Alone - is to overcome the Challenge. This challenge is overcoming the seemingly inherent tendency of religion - in this case Islam, but applicable to all ideologies really - to collapse into extremism. There are many religious Muslims, outwardly the largest percentage of any religion. But do we estimate that even half of them will attain Jannah? How many have some aspect of extremism that is polluting their soul? How many muslims, beginning with ourselves can we say have both an Islamic and non-extremist view. Many people are non-extremist, but they're not Muslim to begin with so it doesn't avail them.
I believe it is possible to make a deep enough connection through the written word and actually love someone without meeting them. You, Asaad, are one such blessed connection I've made online through our exchanges over the years, and I cannot wait to meet you in person and have more such exchanges face to face soon InshAllah.

As you may have come to expect, I have things to say about your comments and queries, things I have mulled and labored over as deeply as I can in light of my limitations, from the time my extremely religious, erudite, intellectually honest and equally anti-sectarian father taught me how to pray.

However, my response here would totally derail the thread and that's why you'll find my response in your Facebook inbox by Friday InshAllah. I've got to get some work done over the next couple of days.

We can either have the ensuing conversation there, or open a relevant thread here and share it with the BC community. I leave it up to you bro.
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Last edited by Sohel; July 18, 2012 at 01:19 AM..
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  #25  
Old July 18, 2012, 12:46 AM
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He was always fighting against Oppression, injustice no matter from whom or where it came from, That's what i liked about him, in addition, he is very unbiased. He changed stances/political opinion throughout his career to stick to his core principles.

He thought globally but acted locally! He is very popular because he united people and sympathized with their cause, be it against landlords, or the language movement or against any oppressive regime whether it be British or Pakistan or even Bangladesh.
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